The Causal Theory of Reference

 


 

Recommended Reading

 

 

Primary:               Kripke, S. (1972) ‘Naming and Necessity’.

                                Putnam, H. (1975) ‘The Meaning of ‘Meaning’’.

 

Secondary:            Lycan, W. G. (2000) Philosophy of Language, London ; Routledge.

                                Devitt, M. & K. Sterelny (1987) Language and Reality, Cambridge , MA ; MIT Press

Evans, Gareth (1973) ‘The Causal Theory of Names’ in Schwartz, S. (ed.) (1977) Naming, Necessity, and Natural Kinds, Ithaca NY ; Cornell UP, pp. 192-215.

 

Introduction

 

 

What we want is a theory about just what it is that makes a word refer to the thing to which it refers. What is it – in the real world – that establishes a relationship between those two things; or, what is the nature of this relationship? Frege proposed a distinction between senses and references, with the claim that references were determined by senses. He did not, however, properly clarify what senses actually were – how we could understand them. One attempt at clarification was to propose that descriptions could play some of the role that senses were supposed to play. In description theories the link between the name and the object is said to be just that the object is the unique satisfier of that description, but we saw that there are problems with this proposal. And apart from the problems we’ve already noticed, definitions must eventually become circular. Just consider what a description consists of. In the case of Aristotle, for example, the description would be ‘the teacher of Alexander’, plus a bunch of other stuff maybe. But this description appeals to terms like ‘teacher’ and ‘Alexander’ which are themselves in need of explanation. Perhaps ‘Alexander’ can be equated to ‘the pupil of Aristotle’, but this would lead us to an obvious definitional loop. It has been argued that that we will always get such loops. Consider the definitions in a dictionary, for example; they are eventually circular in the same way. Somehow we have to find a non-descriptive way of fixing some references in order to even get started.

 

The Causal Theory of Reference

 

 

Saul Kripke has proposed a different approach to getting at references. His idea is that a name refers to something because there is a special kind of causal relationship between the use of the name and the thing to which it refers. It is this causal relationship that gets to play the role of Frege’s sense. This is particularly nice because if we’re going to appeal to senses to explain how language works, we would want some way of explaining them in terms of the other sorts of things that we accept exist in the world. Physical causes and histories are just the sort of thing that we’d be looking for, so a theory that claimed to be able to account for reference in those terms is well worth looking at.

 

Any theory of reference of the kind that we’re now considering has to account for at least two things: in the first place, it has to account for the manner in which a name first becomes attached to an object; and, in the second place, it must be able to explain how it is that people not present at the naming and not acquainted with the object can use the name to refer to it. So let’s talk about that.

 

a.                    Baptism

 

The event which fixes the reference of a term – typically a new term – is called its baptism or a dubbing. The theory which tells us how the baptism/dubbing works is a theory of reference fixing. We can start by describing the standard form which such an event takes.

 

Let’s suppose that we want to name our dog ‘Fido’. In the presence of the object to be named, the person doing the naming points at the object and says, ‘this is called ‘Fido’’. We can see that in this case there is some sort of causal link between the object and the term. Just being present and observing the object involves a causal linkage between the object and the observer, and the observer seeing the object and pointing at it and saying ‘Fido’ is a chain of events distinguishable from other events in terms of the causal links between the observer who makes this ostensive definition of the term and the object whose name is being defined, and the utterance of the name term itself. In this standard/normative case the introduction of the term is by ostension.

 

The baptism is not only effective for the person doing the actual pointing and naming. We have to imagine that anyone else who was also present at the dubbing event, and who has the required linguistic abilities, would also, in virtue of their observing that event, gain the ability to refer to the object using the name ‘Fido’. This too is to be understood in terms of the causal links that exist between the observer of that event and the participants in that event – she hears the word ‘Fido’, she sees the object Fido, she sees the pointing of the finger at Fido, and so on.

 

b.                    Reference Borrowing

 

But what about those people who did not observe the original event? Most of us here were not present when each of us were given our names (I mean Bob wasn’t there when Carol was named and Carol wasn’t there for Bob either) and yet we have no difficulty in using and understanding those names. What can account for that ability? Apparently, the story goes that those not at the original baptismal event obtain their ability to refer to the object using its name from other speakers who already possess this ability, and the ability of any speaker who uses the name successfully can eventually be traced back to one of the participants in the dubbing. I can talk about Napoleon, because I have read about Napoleon in a book, and I’ve gotten my referring ability via that channel. The author of the book may have heard about Napoleon from a lecturer. The lecturer may have heard stories told by his relatives. The relatives will have heard from other folks. And some of those folks, somewhere along the line, will have seen Napoleon being pointed to and addressed as Napoleon, and so on … all the way back to Mrs. Buonaparte saying ‘What a lovely little boy. I’ll call him Napoleon.’

 

Each of those interactions is – we have to suppose – distinguishable as a causal relationship. In each case the causal linkage is such that the name use of the name is linked in the appropriate way to the object … and appropriate here just means that it’s linked in just the right way so that it does refer.

 

You’ll notice here that there’s nothing required to be known about Napoleon for the reference to succeed. The final speaker may have nothing but false beliefs about Napoleon, but if the causal linkages that are in place are of the correct sort then he can successfully refer to Napoleon. That’s very different from the Description Theories.

 

Advantages of Causal Theories of Reference

 

 

With any theory there are going to be pros and cons. We’ll start by having a look at the points in favour of this one.

 

a.                    Explains Sense

 

In the first place, if we take sense to be something like the ‘mode of presentation’ that Frege generally claimed it to be, then we can identify it with the causal chain that is attached to each term and links it to the thing it references.

 

i.                     You can see how this would work. Given two names that have the same reference like ‘Hesperus’ and ‘Phosphorus’ or ‘Tully’ and ‘Cicero’ we can distinguish the two by saying that the causal chain that links my use of the word ‘”Hesperus’ to Venus and my use of the word ‘Tully’ to the famous Roman orator are quite different from the causal chains that link my use of ‘Phosphorus’ to Venus and ‘Cicero’ to the orator.

 

ii.                    Furthermore, it was claimed that sense determines reference, and it is certainly the case that if you have a causal/historical chain that links the use of a word at one end of it, with an object at the other end, and this object is supposed to be the reference of the word, then there is a very definite sense in which the chain determines the referent of the word. It determines it just by having the word at one end and the object at the other.

 

iii.                  Finally, sense was supposed to be the essential thing for Frege in understanding the meaning of a word. It’s only if you have some special cognitive relation to this object ‘sense’ – which Frege called ‘grasping’ it – that you can be said to understand. Or rather, the very fact of your understanding is said to consist in your having this relationship with the sense. Well, as far as the causal/historical linkage goes, you can only be held to understand a word if your usage is properly placed in a causal chain linking word and object. It is fairly clear that some part of this chain is going to have to pass through the brain/mind of the language user. At various places in the explanation of how the causal/historical story of sense goes we’ve been mentioning as one of the qualifications that the user involved has to have a certain degree of linguistic sophistication. You can see why this is the case if you consider whether the dog that I baptize ‘Fido’ will perceive this as a baptism and will have the appropriate causal connection that will account for its use of the word ‘Fido’. I think not. Now, this ‘linguistic sophistication’ of which I speak, which may also be thought of as language competence, is the sort of thing that results from causes in the brain. These causes are therefore essential to the story. The possession of particular causes of this sort by the word user can be thought of as constituting his ‘grasping’ of the sense. (It’s like he’s got hold of a chain somewhere in the middle links, in virtue of their passing through his head.)

 

b.                    Solves the puzzles of reference

 

We also need to be sure that the new theory is at least as capable as the sense theory or the description theory of solving the four puzzles that are taken as fundamental tests for theories of reference.

 

i.                     First, we need to be able to explain why it is that two identifying statements like

 

Venus is the evening star

Venus is Venus

 

can actually have different meanings or cognitive significances while the only difference between them is that different referring terms are used to refer to the same objects. You’ll remember that according to Mill these got their meaning from the meaning of their parts, and the meaning of the parts ‘Venus’ and ‘evening star’ was no more than their reference, and their reference is identical, and so the two sentences should mean the same. For Frege, on the other hand, the referring terms had different senses because they had different ‘modes of presentation,’ so they contributed different things to the meanings of the sentences. The same is true of causal/historical chains. The link from ‘Venus’ to Venus is different from the link from ‘the evening star’ to Venus, and the different chains make different contributions to the meanings of the sentences.

 

ii.                    Second, we have to be able to explain how it is that we can make meaningful statements that appear to refer to objects that don’t exist. How is it that we can say something like

 

Pegasus had a glossy white coat

 

And be in no danger of saying something meaningless? If the meaning of a sentence is derived from the meaning of its part, and one of those parts has no meaning because it has no reference, then the sentence should be meaningless.

 

In this sort of case the causal/historical theory claims that although there is no actual object to which a causal chain from ‘Pegasus’ can be attached, this does not mean that there is not a very similar causal chain attached that can play much of the role of sense-giver that the designational causal chains play for actually referring terms. Consider how the name ‘Pegasus’ is introduced: someone says ‘There is a wonderful creature that is just like a horse but it has wings and can fly.’ In such an introduction the storyteller is giving a description which has a meaning and a sense because the referring terms in it, ie. ‘horse’, ‘wings’, do refer – though they refer in this case to abstractions, which is another story. In short, it’s because of this grounding of the introductory description that ‘Pegasus’ can be said to be referentially fixed.

 

iii.                  We have to be able to explain how it is that we can make meaningful statements that appear to deny that something exists. You’ll recall the problem there for direct reference theories: if your statement denying that Pegasus exists is true then the statement refers to a non-existent thing so there is a failure of reference so there is a failure of meaning so the statement is meaningless. It can only be meaningful if it is false. Inconceivable!

 

But the same story that explains why reference to nonexistent fictional creatures is meaningful will suffice to explain why existence statements that refer to them will be meaningful. The nonexistent thing being referred to is not at the root of the causal chain attached to the term ‘Pegasus’, but there is a chain and it is grounded and so there is a sense-analogue for the term and so it can be said to be meaningful and so the sentences truly denying its existence can be meaningful.

 

Problems for Causal Theories of Reference

 

 

Now for the problems.

 

a.                    Change of reference

 

The first problem to look at is the problem of change of reference. Here’s a simple example:

 

Two babies are born, and their mothers bestow names upon them. A nurse inadvertently switches them and the error is never discovered. It will henceforth undeniably be the case that the man universally known as ‘Jack’ is so called because a woman dubbed some other baby with the name.

 

The problem is that the dubbing is pointing at one object originally and yet through various historical events it seems that the reference has switched to some other object. How can this be the case if the reference is determined by the original dubbing event?

 

The standard response to a difficulty such as this is to suppose that the causal/historical chain that connects a name to its bearer is actually a whole lot of chains: there are typically several chains connecting the object and the term that names it. For example, and most obviously, every time you are introduced to a new person there is the equivalent of a dubbing event for that person. If that is the case, then it’s certainly possible that some groundings may be inconsistent with an ‘original’ dubbing. The baby Jack in Evans’s example is confused with the baby Jim. The original referential role of the dubbing event upon the other baby – let’s call it Jim – is transmitted through just one causal chain, but the large number of subsequent groundings of the name Jack in that baby are able to overwhelm the referential significance of that original dubbing so that the baby can really be said to have been named Jack.

 

b.                    The quâ-problem

 

Another difficulty, which is not so easily gotten around, goes by the name of the quâ-problem. Consider this: I point at an object, for example, a dog, and I say ‘Fido!’ I then take it that I have named this object, this dog, Fido. But what is it that distinguishes this naming event from the naming event where I point at a dog and say ‘Dog.’ How does it turn out in the first case that the causal anchor of the referential chain is laid in the particular dog I called Fido, whereas in the second case the causally relevant division of the world is all things that are dogs? How, indeed, did it turn out that in the first instance I was taken to be pointing at the whole object – the dog quâ dog – and not at the dog’s nose and had thus named the dog’s nose ‘Fido’, or perhaps the wetness of the left nostril, or perhaps a time slice of the dog’s passage through the space-time continuum, or etc.?

 

Now, it is a fact that names don’t typically point at any of those other things, but it is another fact that they could. We could very easily come up with names for such things and ground them in what would apparently be the very same ‘object’. This sort of thing strongly suggests that there is something about the grounder himself that is relevant to what is really the object that is being baptized. The obvious thing that could be different in the person doing the grounding and responsible for the type of grounding that occurs, is the thing that we are sure is different in the grounder; that is, the intention of the person doing the grounding, by which I mean their mental state of intending to refer to the dog rather than to time slices of the critter.

 

Defenders of the causal theory admit that this means that there has to be something like a description involved in the baptismal event. A description is required to make the claim that one has an intention to point at an object of a particular kind rather than of some other kind. So the causal theory really has to have some elements of descriptivism to make it work.

 

c.                    Natural kind terms

 

The descriptions involved in solving the last problem (if they can solve it) involve the naming of natural kinds rather than particular individuals – things like wing, horse, dog, and so on. Unfortunately, such descriptions are going to be subject to all the same criticisms that were made for the original ‘pure’ description theories, together with some others. Kripke and Putnam, for example, make what we call modal arguments against descriptions: for any such description there is a possible world in which the description fails. For example, we may describe a tiger as a wild, striped, feline, but it would still be a tiger even if it turns out that tigers are only striped because the Freemasons had painted them that way. A possible world without freemasons would still have tigers, even if they were no longer striped.

 

Even worse difficulties arise when it is realized that these descriptions can be neither necessary nor sufficient for correct use of the terms in question. Consider necessity first. Putnam makes the point that he cannot reliably distinguish an elm tree from a beech tree because he does not have, either explicitly or implicitly, the knowledge in the form of a description that is needed to identify either tree. Yet when he says that elms are trees or when he hears others talking about elms in autumn leaf he is surely referring to elm trees and he is surely being told about elm trees. Thus identifying knowledge is not necessary for successful reference and to grasp the meaning of a term.

 

And consider sufficiency. Devitt and Sterelny give the example of the discovery of a creature that satisfies all the identifying descriptions of Pegasus. It’s a real flying horse. Perhaps it was bred by the Freemasons in a secret gene splicing factory in Tibet . If so, it is not the Pegasus to which we were referring. (And this is not necessarily because our description includes the word ‘mythological’, other non-mythological examples could be given.) The point is just that no reasonable description is going to complete enough to specify only the natural kind to which we wish to refer and no other possible kind.

 

This is an appropriate point at which to introduce you to the famous Twin Earth argument by Putnam. It may be taken as an argument against the possible adequacy of descriptive theories in the original Russellian sense. Imagine that there is a world far, far away from Earth, but a world in the same universe as Earth – not a merely ‘possible’ world then – and this world is a near duplicate of our own familiar planet. A casual observer would see the same plants and animals and seas and continents, and even the same people speaking the same sentences in the same language. In fact, however, Twin Earth differs from Earth in that whereas water on Earth is made of H2O, what the inhabitants of Twin Earth call ‘water’ is made of XYZ. Now, XYZ is a colourless, odourless, potable liquid and has all the other properties that a seventeenth century Englishman would have given to the thing he called ‘water’. But ‘water’ despite the identity of the descriptions does not mean the same thing on Twin Earth as it does on Earth, because it points to XYZ rather than H2O. This indicates the failure of the description theory to determine reference properly. It also indicates, that the descriptions as instantiated in someone’s head, their thoughts or intentions, can’t be identically referring either; and therefore, because the heads of the speakers are otherwise identical, it appears that meaning cannot be defined entirely in terms that do not reach beyond the mind of the speaker. As Putnam puts it, meanings just ‘ain’t in the head’.