{"id":308,"date":"2017-05-07T22:52:06","date_gmt":"2017-05-07T12:52:06","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/stevewatson.info\/blog\/?p=308"},"modified":"2017-05-07T23:04:00","modified_gmt":"2017-05-07T13:04:00","slug":"a-modest-proposal-for-middle-east-peace","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/stevewatson.info\/blog\/2017\/05\/07\/a-modest-proposal-for-middle-east-peace\/","title":{"rendered":"A Modest Proposal for Middle-East Peace"},"content":{"rendered":"

Context<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

UN resolution 242 calls for a withdrawal to secure and recognised borders.<\/span><\/p>\n

Israel may have to accept that no conceivable borders can satisfy both criteria. The Arabs maintain a maximalist (or very nearly) interpretation which insists on Israeli withdrawal to the 1948 borders, but these are impossible for Israel , given the hostility of the surrounding states \u2013 and especially if the state that arises in the vacated territory is hostile. The evidence of the withdrawal from Gaza and from South Lebanon is that such a state would indeed be hostile.<\/span><\/p>\n

Desiderata<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Israel cannot<\/span><\/p>\n

1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 maintain a military occupation of conquered territory and a conquered population indefinitely,<\/span><\/p>\n

2.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 annex all the disputed territories and make the Arab population citizens of Israel ,<\/span><\/p>\n

3.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 withdraw to the 1948 borders leaving a hostile entity in the disputed evacuated territories,<\/span><\/p>\n

Israel must<\/span><\/p>\n

a.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 control the Jordan valley<\/span><\/p>\n

b.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 have guaranteed access to East Jerusalem religious sites \u2013 and in the view of the Israeli population, probably must retain sovereignty over those sites<\/span><\/p>\n

c.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 be able to neutralise the danger of Arab irredentism\/revanchism\/etc.<\/span><\/p>\n

d.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 rid itself of the burden of controlling a hostile and essentially irreconcilable population<\/span><\/p>\n

e.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 resolve the issue of the settlements in the disputed territories humanely (evacuation? extraterritoriality? retained control? Population transfers? etc.)<\/span><\/p>\n

Israel would prefer<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 i.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 a ‘Palestinian’ polity (PP) to control and be responsible for the Palestinian Arab population<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 ii.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 a stable cooperative regime in any Palestinian polity<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 iii.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 not to be required to concern itself with the internal affairs of the PP (even if it became hostile or unstable)<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 iv.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 an internationally recognised solution (but can probably be satisfied with one which is merely acceptable to America<\/span><\/p>\n

Arabs require<\/span><\/p>\n

A.\u00a0\u00a0 an independent polity<\/span><\/p>\n

B.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 a viable polity<\/span><\/p>\n

C.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 access to East Jerusalem religious sites \u2013 and have always maintained that the sanctuary must be their sovereign territory (but see Israeli b)<\/span><\/p>\n

D.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 a polity free of Jewish settlers \u2013 though they might be permitted to remain as dhimmi<\/span><\/p>\n

Opportunity<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The time is right for an Israeli unilateral solution to the problem of the Disputed Territories<\/span><\/p>\n

1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 PA is thoroughly discredited internationally because of its involvement in terror, corruption<\/span><\/p>\n

2.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 PA leadership is recognised as not being capable of making peace ( Camp David , intifada Hamas elections, etc.)<\/span><\/p>\n

3.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 the overwhelming likelihood of the hostility of any potential PP is recognised, and Israeli security concerns are as widely recognised as can ever be expected to be the case<\/span><\/p>\n

4.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 America sees the relation between the Israel- ‘Palestinian’ conflict and the wider West-Islam friction \u2013 and also associates the Arab allies of the Palestinians with threats to American interests<\/span><\/p>\n

5.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Middle-Eastern ‘stability’ is no longer valued per se<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Proposal<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Under the Oslo agreements the disputed territories were divided into classes of territories as A, B, C. The PA was given control of area A territories. These were territories surrounding centres of Arab population. Under this system the PA controlled over 95% of the Palestinian Arab population.<\/span><\/p>\n

I propose that<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Palestinian area A be taken as the basis for a PP with whatever other areas are required to make those areas minimally viable.<\/span><\/p>\n

The intention under Oslo was that PA control would eventually be extended over Pal. B territories etc to create a contiguous\/connected territory. Gaza would always remain unconnected however.<\/span><\/p>\n

2.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The effort to create a single Palestinian state as a PP should be abandoned. The PP may be instituted as separate, independent governments of the Palestinian cities and their hinterlands.<\/span><\/p>\n

(Since the problem of non-contiguous Gaza will have to be faced anyway, there is no reason that whatever solution may be found for Gaza’s communication with the PP instituted on the West Bank would not serve equally well for communication in this plan.)<\/span><\/p>\n

3.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Territory not assigned to the PP should be annexed to Israel .<\/span><\/p>\n

4.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Population of the annexed territories may either become citizens of Israel or may be compensated and allowed to transfer to any part of the PP.<\/span><\/p>\n

5.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Jewish population of the areas assigned to the PP either become citizens there or are relocated with compensation (by Israel .)<\/span><\/p>\n

Process<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Reoccupy all Disputed Territories<\/span><\/p>\n

2.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Delimit PP zones: I suggest Ramallah, Bethlehem , Hebron , Jericho , Tulkarm\/Qalqilya, Jenin and their hinterlands<\/span><\/p>\n

3.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Separate populations<\/span><\/p>\n

4.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Annex unassigned territories to Israel<\/span><\/p>\n

5.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Build a fence around the PP territories (This is already largely completed.)<\/span><\/p>\n

6.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The final stage has two possibilities<\/span><\/p>\n

1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Clean Break<\/em> (strongly preferred)<\/span><\/p>\n

1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Withdraw from PP territories<\/span><\/p>\n

2.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Nation Building<\/em> (invents a new quagmire to replace the old one)<\/span><\/p>\n

1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Remove all PA officials<\/span><\/p>\n

2.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Disarm and demobilise all PA security forces and other ‘formal’ militias (Hamas, etc.)<\/span><\/p>\n

3.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Remove terrorist infrastructure \u2013 including UNRWA, EU, NGOs<\/span><\/p>\n

4.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Assume responsibility for administration of PP<\/span><\/p>\n

5.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Assume responsibility for funding of PP<\/span><\/p>\n

6.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Incrementally develop native administration of PP<\/span><\/p>\n

7.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Incrementally withdraw from PP<\/span><\/p>\n

Advantages<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Largely removes need for prolonged negotiations (Arabs have shown no good faith previously)<\/span><\/p>\n

2.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Provides quick, relatively neat final solution to be put in place; removes uncertainties<\/span><\/p>\n

3.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Provides a separation of populations desired by both sides<\/span><\/p>\n

4.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Provides strategic depth to Israel \u2013 all of Jordan valley (west bank lowlands) held by Israel<\/span><\/p>\n

5.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Allows a hostile PP to be quarantined from sources of weaponry<\/span><\/p>\n

6.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Allows maximal control of population movements from PP to Israel continuing the reduction in levels of violence that the incomplete fence has already achieved<\/span><\/p>\n

7.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Preserves Jewish character of Israel and Arab character of PP(assignment of lands and populations results in only a small increase in the Arab population of Israel )<\/span><\/p>\n

8.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Allows Israel to cease governing hostile alien population either immediately (preferred) or relatively quickly and on a known schedule<\/span><\/p>\n

9.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Provides immediately\/eventually for independent Palestinian Arab governance of an independent PP.<\/span><\/p>\n

10.\u00a0\u00a0 After withdrawal PP internal politics need no longer concern Israel vitally<\/span><\/p>\n

11.\u00a0\u00a0 Although there is the opportunity to create a functioning liberal regime in the PP, nothing hangs on this. (The example of the current dysfunctional government does not encourage such a commitment \u2013 hence the preference for Clean Break)<\/span><\/p>\n

12.\u00a0\u00a0 Both strategies \u2013 but Clean Break especially \u2013 provide Israeli forces with a foreseeable end, improving morale<\/span><\/p>\n

Disadvantages<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Unilaterality means no other actors are committed to the success of the proposal<\/span><\/p>\n

(It is not clear how much of a disadvantage this is. Arab states are apparently incapable of publicly supporting any peace deal, Egypt and Jordan notwithstanding, so no peace proposal can be made dependent upon their approval or cooperation. In the best case they may acquiesce, though they are most likely to continue their current hostility.)<\/span><\/p>\n

2.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Proposal falls far short of satisfying the Arab maximalist position, or even the ’48 or bust’ solution. For this reason it will be unacceptable to Arabs and some others.<\/span><\/p>\n

(Whether Europe and others will seriously dispute the execution of this proposal is unknown. They will certainly complain and decry its ‘unfairness’ pro forma, but they seem to have no interests requiring more.)<\/span><\/p>\n

3.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 ‘Viability’ of PP is likely to be disputed<\/span><\/p>\n

This will be answered in detailed arrangementsfor communication and general access through Israeli territories. I see no reason why cities and suitable hinter;ands may not be viable, given good will on the Israeli side.<\/span><\/p>\n

4.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Dependence on Israeli ‘good will’ is humiliating and will ensure hostility<\/span><\/p>\n

Possibly true. However, Israeli security could hardly be secured without infringing Arab ‘honour.’ Moreover, PP hostility is irrelevant if they can be made impotent.<\/span><\/p>\n

5.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Will probably make many Jewish religious sites inaccessible if PP is hostile.<\/span><\/p>\n

Unfortunate, but not unbearable<\/span><\/p>\n

6.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 No concessions are made to long-standing Arab demands \u2013 whether those demands were sincerely made or not \u2013 which will upset some<\/span><\/p>\n

(See final status settlement for East Jerusalem , Refugees, etc.)<\/span><\/p>\n

Problems<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Status of East Jerusalem<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Old City will remain in Israel . Arab inhabitants will be given choice of citizenship in Israel or PP. Etzion Bloc to go to Israel .<\/span><\/p>\n

Any person to have the right to visit the sacred sites in the Old City \u2013 principally referring to the right of Muslims to visit the Haram.<\/span><\/p>\n

Temple Mount outside the Haram to be Israeli territory. Haram to be shared sovereignty with some appropriate authority. The form of words may be left for diplomacy, but the facts will be something like: PP administration over Haram, Israeli security about Haram (including authority to quarantine or restrict access if incitement leads to violence or general level of PP hostility makes it dangerous.)<\/span><\/p>\n

2.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Right of Return<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Denied, of course. However, final compensation may be paid to a responsible UN agency for distribution amongst claimants, or paid to PP authorities with understanding that misappropriation on their part will not void the finality. Amount of final compensation to be set by Israel . A process to determine a fair amount to be decided upon. It is to be made clear that compensation is humanitarian aid and does not constitute an admission of guilt or liability for disadvantages.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Arabs will almost certainly decline to cooperate. Israel may put this compensatory money in an escrow account to be tapped whenever they decide to accept it. This would actually be good for the Palestinian Arabs as symbolizing finality of claims and providing capital; and would be symbolically good for Israel as demonstrating bona fides<\/span><\/p>\n

3.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Arab State Hostility<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

No change in current status except perhaps with respect to Egypt and Jordan .<\/span><\/p>\n

Egypt has a very Cold Peace with Israel and government has made no effort to pretend that anything more than the desire for US money makes them pay lip service to the peace. There will be no change here, despite popular unrest<\/span><\/p>\n

Jordan ‘s political shape may be more seriously affected. Israeli unilateralism \u2013 which Jordanians will see as a repudiation of the ‘land for peace’ formula to which Jordan has been committed and by which Jordan has tried to justify its peace \u2013 will be read as a betrayal of the principles of the peace.<\/span><\/p>\n

Syria will do what it can to derail the process if there is no concession on the Golan Heights . Syria and Iran may take the opportunity to incite their collaborating forces in Lebanon to conflict with Israel . Unfortunate, but that was always going to happen whatever Israel did.<\/span><\/p>\n

Diplomatic activity may be able to ameliorate some of this hostility. Perhaps some concessions may be made.<\/span><\/p>\n

Egypt will be given joint control with the PP over the Gaza border with it \u2013 as it has now wrt the PA.<\/span><\/p>\n

Jordan may be given an administrative role for the Haram. This has the advantage of playing into a threat of Hashemite revanchism wrt the sites at Mecca and Medina, and threatening Saudi control of Arabia . A threat which it is handy to have in the background when negotiating for Saudi cooperation.<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Context UN resolution 242 calls for a withdrawal to secure and recognised borders. Israel may have to accept that no conceivable borders can satisfy both criteria. The Arabs maintain a maximalist (or very nearly) interpretation which insists on Israeli withdrawal to the 1948 borders, but these are impossible for Israel , given the hostility of […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[49],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-308","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-politics"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/stevewatson.info\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/308","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/stevewatson.info\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/stevewatson.info\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/stevewatson.info\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/stevewatson.info\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=308"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/stevewatson.info\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/308\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":313,"href":"https:\/\/stevewatson.info\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/308\/revisions\/313"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/stevewatson.info\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=308"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/stevewatson.info\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=308"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/stevewatson.info\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=308"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}