Neoconfucianism |
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Introduction
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Confucianism was powerful in the Han dynasty,
but declined in importance later with the rise of Daoism and the
introduction and popularity of Buddhism. A period of renewal began in the
Tang dynasty. Opposition to Buddhism and reaffirmation of old tradition was
led by Han Yu (768-824), Li Ao (ca. 772-836) and Liu Zongyuan (773-819.)
Han Yu popularised the claim that true inheritors of the Confucian
tradition were those who belonged to the daotong
(道统,) the
‘Succession of the Way,’ which began with the sage kings Yao, Shun and
Yü; continued through Wen, Wu and the Duke of
Zhou, the founders of the Zhou dynasty; and from them to Confucius and
Mencius. There the full transmission of the Way seemed to have ended,
though some scholars saw parts of the whole. It was his ambition, and
following him that of all the Neoconfucians, to continue from where
Mencius left off. The
school that these scholars formed was for this reason named daoxue (道學, dàoxué,) the ‘Teaching of the Way.’ The term
‘Neoconfucianism’ is, of course, merely a Western coinage. The Way
that they taught was, however, much influenced by the teachings of
Buddhism (especially Chan) and of Daoism (especially the yin-yang
cosmological doctrines) that had become part of the intellectual milieu,
and now dealt with metaphysical issues that Confucius had deliberately
ignored. This expansion of the concerns of the followers of Confucius was
probably necessary if Neoconfucianism going to be able to compete with
Daoism and Buddhism as a complete world view. It was also Han Yu who set the canon for the daoxue. He selected the
Four Classics as being the distillation of the true teaching. They are The ‘Analects’ (論語,
Lún Yǔ,) the ‘Great Learning’ (大學, Dà Xué,) the ‘Doctrine of the Mean’ (中庸, Zhōng Yōng,) and the ‘Mencius’ (孟子, Mèngzĭ.) By the year 1241 these Four Books and Zhu Xi's
commentary on them had become standard requirements of study for students
attempting to pass the civil service examinations.[1]
[1]
Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, Anne Walthall, James B. Palais (2006). |
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Daoxue: Cosmological Beginnings |
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The first Neoconfucians were, in fact, very concerned with cosmology. All
of them maintained that in the universe as a whole,
the dào
(道)
regulates the coming-into-being and going-out-of-being of everything. Much
of their cosmology was presented as an interpretation of the Classic of Changes (易經,
yijīng) – which was
originally just a guide to telling fortunes, but which was widely
believed to have been edited by Confucius, who had added commentaries
in the appendixes revealing truths of the nature of the universe. In
particular, they were inspired by a passage in Appendix III (‘The
Great Treatise’, dazhuan,
大篆)
that stated: “In the Yi
there is the Supreme Ultimate (太极, tàijí)
which produces the Two Forms.” The Supreme Ultimate seems always to
be taken as the originating undifferentiated principle of things; and
the multitude of things in the world are produced from it by a process
in which two principles embodying the dual natures of things, the yin
(陰, yīn) and
the yang (陽, yáng,)
oscillate in effectiveness. The increase of one and the decrease of
the other continue until a limit is reached, which causes the process
to reverse … and so it goes. We are familiar with the correlation of
yang with lightness,
maleness, dryness, etc. and of yin with darkness, femaleness, wetness, etc. In the Neoconfucian
system(s) they produce by their interaction the 5 elements of the
world: earth, fire, water, metal, and wood, and thus all the things of
the world come into being. It is a characteristic doctrine of the daoxue that from a single principle – to be identified with the taiji
in one way or another – all the variety of the world could be
produced; and so the school was associated with the phrase ‘One
Principle, Many Manifestations’ (理一分属, liyi fenshu.)
Significantly, the same generative story holds true of Man and the Five
Constant Virtues proper to him (love (仁,
rén,) righteousness (義, yì,)
propriety (礼, lǐ,) wisdom (知,
zhi,)
and faithfulness (xin, 信,))
so that these cosmologies had direct consequences for the way that
humans were supposed to behave. And that, of course, is the whole
point of the philosophy. The Neoconfucians did not abandon the
fundamental ethical concerns of the Confucians of previous times;
rather they approached these concerns through a much more complete
philosophy of the world. The various early cosmologists chose to expand this common story in
different ways. We shall consider three of the most important, each of
whom contributed to the later and more sophisticated metaphysical and
ethical teachings of the daoxue.
Zhou
Dunyi: Diagramming the Supreme Ultimate The first of our cosmologists is Zhou Dunyi (周敦頤, Zhōu Dūnyí,
1017-1073.) Taking his inspiration from a model that probably
originated amongst the Daoists, Zhou diagrammed his cosmology in the taijitu, ‘The Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate.’ To this he appended his ‘Explanation,’ (太極圖說, taijitushuo)
in which he states[1]: The Ultimateless (wuji)! And yet the Supreme Ultimate (taiji)! The Supreme
Ultimate through Movement
produces the yang. This
Movement having reached its limit, is followed by Quiescence, and by
this Quiescence, it produces the yin.
When Quiescence has reached its limit, there is a return to Movement.
Thus Movement and Quiescence, in alternation, become each the source
of the other. The wuji
(无极) with which he identified taiji
can be understood as a kind of reification of potentiality, as the taiji
is of actuality. In combination they are the source of all things
either real or possible; but, as the quote indicates, they do not act
directly. Zhou goes on to describes how the yang
and yin produce the 5 elements, and result in change and transformation
without cease. And then he talks of Man: … who receives these in their highest excellence and
hence is the most intelligent. His bodily form thereupon is produced
and his spirit develops intelligence and consciousness. The five
principles of his nature [the five constant
virtues]
react, so that the distinction between good and evil emerges and the
myriad phenomena of conduct appear. The sage regulates himself by
means of the mean, correctness, human-heartedness, and righteousness,
and takes Quiescence as the essential. This Quiescence he recommends also using the term wuyu (无欲,) meaning ‘having no desires,’ in which the
desires that he speaks of are really just the ‘selfish’ desires.
The implication is clearly that Man’s default state, the state that
is the result of embracing Quiescence, is one in which our impulses
are for the morally good. In this respect Zhou Dunyi follows the
teaching of Mencius, who claimed that human nature was innately good,
and in his championing of passivity and inaction he is apparently
influenced by the Daoists. For Zhou, then, the way of the sage had to
involve the renunciation of worldly ambitions – even scholarly
ambitions, finding contentment in less, and achieving harmony with
nature. As the Yijīng
says, ‘[the sage’s] course is in harmony with the four seasons.’
The same book also says that Sincerity
is the foundation of the sage. It is the foundation of the Five
Constant Virtues, and the source of all activities and indeed, Zhou was well known to take Sincerity (诚, cheng) as the touchstone for the sage’s character. It is ‘honesty,
earnestness, being true to oneself, being true to the nature of all
things in the universe;’ and it is the original and default
character of Shao
Yong: Interpreting the Hexagrams Shao Yong (邵雍, Shào Yōng, 1011-1073) was inspired by the hexagrams of
the Yijing, and in his
‘Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles’
(皇極經世,
Huangji Jingshi)
used them to illustrate a theory of the processes that continually
create the world. These hexagrams are combinations of 6 lines, each of
which is either broken (- -) and represents yin,
or solid (– ) and represents yang.
He begins with an interpretation of the statement from the Yijing
that in the Yi there is the
Supreme Ultimate, which produces the Two Forms, which produce the Four
Emblems, which produce the eight trigrams (八卦, bā guà.) He then expands this idea to the hexagrams. Shao Yong’s interpretation of the statement was a bit different from
Zhou Dunyi’s. For Zhou the Two Forms just mentioned would have been yin
and yang, but for Shao Yong, they are Movement and Quiescence,
represented by solid or broken lines at the bottom of the trigram.
Each additional line of the hexagram may be either broken or solid,
and Shao describes how these represent in that position the
actualization of a particular binary possibility – hard or soft,
greater or lesser, and so on. Taken as a whole, each of the 64
hexagrams represents some aspect of the universe. In his ‘Primeval
Diagram’ Shao Yong arranged these figures in a circle with the all-yang
hexagram (乾, qián, ‘force’)
at the top and the all-yin
one (坤, kūn, ‘field’)
at the bottom. The arrangement was supposed to be very significant,
representing the life cycle of things in the universe as they are
born, grow, reach maturity, decline, and die, but the details of this
are not important to us. What is important is the mechanism by which
this process is driven. In this system, since yin
and yang are dynamic, each of the binary possibilities that each line
represents will tend to move from one state to the other, and the
thing that the hexagram represents will change correspondingly. This
is how the universe is seen to be constantly in flux. Zhang
Zai: Breathing Qi In his book the ‘The Correct Discipline for Beginners’ (正蒙, cheng meng) Zhang Zai (張載, Zhāng Zǎi,
1020-1077)
made qi (氣,
qì) the central
concept of his system. Originally meaning no more than ‘breath’ or
‘air,’ qi came to mean Vital Spirit or Material Force. When Zhang Zai read
that “In the Yi there is
the Supreme Ultimate which produces the Two Forms” he interpreted
this quite differently again from either Zhou Dunyi or Shao Yong. For
Zhang Zai, the Supreme Ultimate was to be identified with qi
– by which he meant the material substance of the universe – and
the Two Forms it produces are, as for Zhou, the principles of yin
and yang. The yin and the yang in turn
affect the qi: when
influenced by the yang
principle, the qi takes on
its properties of rising, floating, Movement, etc. When affected by
the yin principle, qi has the
properties of sinking or Quiescence. Moreover, as the qi is constantly in flux, it is constantly condensing and
dissipating; and when it condenses, that is the coming into being of
some part of the world; and when it dissipates, that is the going out
of being of some part. In the state of complete dissipation Zhang
refers to qi as the Great Vacuity or
the Great Harmony; but even
in that state it is not nothing – it is, in fact, ultimate
potentiality. In a famous part of the Cheng Meng
called the ‘Western Inscription’ (ximing)
he notes that as people are part of the world, they are also composed
of qi. In fact, “That
which fills the Universe I regard as my body.” Thus we should
respect Heaven and Earth as we do our own parents, showing them the
same filial loyalty; and we should consider all men to be on a level
with ourselves as children of Heaven and Earth, and as our brothers.
Loving them appropriately in this way serves society and serves
humanity. This is a great expansion of the idea of proper brotherly
love over that of the classic Confucians. It is rather closer to the
ideas of the Mohists, and is probably an attempt to claim an admirable
Buddhist ethic for daoxue. But Zhang’s idea of human nature included more than just the
essentially variable qi
nature of our physical stuff; he also believed that there was an
unvarying ‘original’ nature derived somehow from the originating
Great Harmony that constitutes our real moral nature – and it is a good nature. Unfortunately the
working of the original nature is blocked by the working of the
physical nature – especially the desires that it generates – which
prevents us being normally good all the time. Although we cannot
choose our initial corrupting physical nature – it is essentially a
matter of chance – it is possible to work on it to bring it closer to the ‘original’
nature, or at least to make it less of a hindrance to the expression
of that original nature. Of course, accepting his idea that we are all
parts of one body (in qi)
would assist in our suppressing selfish desires. Of more direct use, however, was education – especially in ritual and
the classics. Ritual, the Confucians believed, was set up by the sages
as a perfect model for human action. It was, concluded Zhang Zai, a
reflection of the original nature of human beings. The study of
ritual, if pursued with sincerity, would be a guide to the uncovering
of original nature, and could make one a sage, which, of course, is
the only goal worth pursuing. |
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The Cheng Brothers |
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Cheng Hao (程顥, Chéng Hao,
1032-1085) and Cheng Yi (程頤, Chéng
Yí,1033–1107) were brothers[1]
who took very different attitudes on some of the fundamental problems
that concerned the daoxue
philosophers; and, in fact, each brother is taken to be the starting
point of one of the two branches into which daoxue
came to be divided. The younger brother, Yi, began the teaching that
was properly systematized by Zhu Xi, and was called the Study of
Principles (理學, lǐxué,)
or the Cheng-Zhu School; while the older brother began the teaching
that would be taken up again by Lu Jiuyuan
and Wang Shouren, and was known as the Study of Mind (心学,
xinxué)
or the Lu-Wang School. Their works are collected in ‘The Complete
Works of the Two Chengs’ (程全书, Er Cheng quan shu)
[1]
Philosophical
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Lixue: The Study of Principles |
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Cheng
Yi’s Theory Cheng Yi’s contribution can be seen as the
response to a problem in the philosophies of Shao Yong and Zhang Zai.
The problem is that to say no more than that things come into being
through the movement of qi is not a sufficient explanation for
the coming into being of the infinitely various things of the
universe. Why does the condensation of qi
in one case produce leaves and in another case produce flowers? A
solution to problem is, however, suggested by some features of those
systems. In the case of Shao Yong’s system, for example, it is clear
that there is a law or principle concerning the transformation of
things – a principle that is prior to the things themselves and that
is not produced by yin and yang.
This suggests that other principles of the same sort are possible.
Such principles could then be used to explain that a leaf results from
the condensation of qi when it occurs according to the principle of leaves, and a flower
when it occurs according to the principle of flowers. Such is Cheng
Yi’s theory of principles or li
(理). Every thing in the world
is the result of material (qi)
being informed by a principle. These principles are eternal and
unvarying and independent of our knowledge of them. Zhu
Xi’s Theory Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200) accepted this solution to the
problem, but he expanded it in order to fill gaps which are apparent. He
clarified, for example, the role of the Supreme Ultimate, the taiji.
The li of a thing, as its principle, is also its standard, ji
(极),
of ultimate perfection. Considering the universe as a whole, it too
must have a ji. Thus he says
Everything
has an ultimate, which is the ultimate li. That which unites and embraces the li of heaven, earth, and all things is the Supreme Ultimate.[1] Since the li
of everything is the principle of everything, it will be necessary for
each and every thing to be organized by the Supreme Ultimate. In terms
that Cheng Yi could appreciate: we can imagine a flower being
simultaneously organized by the principle of a flower, and the
principle of plants, and the principle of living things, and the
principle of things in general, and many other principles that we can
think of. These intermediate levels of organization did not appear to
impress Zhu Xi, but the idea of a principle applying to a particular
thing being subordinated to a universal principle in the organizion of
qi he took to be of wide
application. From this perspective, any thing in the world is
explicable in terms of: (1) the proper principle for a thing, (2) its
material power (qi), and (3) its norm, tianming
(天命,
tiānmìng), or
‘mandate of heaven,’ which is also yet another term for the
Supreme Ultimate. a.
Principle and the Person The most significant application of this theory,
however, was to the concept of a person. It was taken to provide a
solution to a difficulty in the understanding of human nature that had
divided the Confucians of the classical period. The difficulty was to
understand the relationship that exists amongst the mind-heart (心, xin), the emotions (情, qing), and the natural human tendencies and
dispositions (性, xing) (what was
often meant by ‘human nature.’) These are all aspects of a human
being that seem to be independent, possibly non-physical, and often in
conflict. Zhu Xi’s solution was to analogize the xin
to the Supreme Ultimate as the overall organizing principle that
‘unifies’ the dispositions and the emotions.[2]
Dispositions, which may be considered as rules or principles of behaviour, form a principle (li), and that principle together with the material power (qi)
organizes the emerging person. The dynamic and physical nature of qi
was what created a corruption of the person, taking it away from the
norm. One characteristic form of corruption was to encourage emotions
and selfish desires. (Zhu Xi referred to this as the contrast between daoxin (Mind of the Way) and renxin
(Mind of Humanity.)) To continue with the analogy of microcosm and
macrocosm for a moment: the mind-heart of a person on this
understanding is the basis of individual creativity and manifests the
mandate of heaven. It is a replication in the person of the cosmic
creativity. The four stages of creativity are correlated with the four
cardinal virtues, thus: origination/humanity (ren),
growth/propriety (yi),
flourishing/ritual conduct (li)
and firmness/discernment (zhi).
Humanity is thus part of the creative nature of the universe, and as
it assists in the creativity of others, it is thus primarily a force
for other-directedness. In this way, then, Zhu Xi created a tripartite
perspective on the individual in terms of form (li), dynamic (qi), and
unity (xin). The result of
the unification – i.e. if the person comes to be organized according
to the norm for persons – would be harmony and balance. This is a
desirable state, and Zhu Xi had something to say about achieving it.
He proposed that the trained xin
can recognise the li in
things – including in itself, and it can make the distinctions
between what is and what ought to be that are required for ethical
action and for flourishing. Of those, the most important is the
distinction between principle as the form of human ethical action
[what ought to be done], and the dynamic human emotions tending to
selfishness [what is done.] Given this, all that is required now is to
recommend the proper ways to train the xin. b.
Investigating Things at Hand Modes of praxis recommended by Zhu Xi included
studying the true meaning of the Confucian classics, and a form of
meditation known as quiet-sitting. Justified by the belief that inner
processes are mirrored in the outer processes, a more characteristic
mode was empirical research into the nature of the external world in
order to discover its principles. This was called gewu (格物, géwù,) the
‘investigation of things.’ One approached the study with reverence
(jing) which helped one always to appreciate the need to act
appropriately (yi). Cheng
(sincerity) and ren (humanity) provide the methods of
cultivation of the various emotional dispositions. Together
with the knowledge gained of principles, this should lead to
appropriate actions. … the student must, for all the separate things in
the world, by means of the li which he already understands, proceed further to gain exhaustive
knowledge of those, thus striving to extend to the farthest point.
When one has exerted oneself for a long time, finally one morning a
complete understanding wil open before one. Thereupon there will be a
thorough comprehension of all the multitude of things, external or
internal, fine or coarse, and every exercise of the mind will be
marked by complete enlightenment.[3] This vision of ‘Sudden Enlightenment’ must
remind us of the claims of the Buddhists; but, apart from that, the
practice recommended here has been seen as a prefiguring of the
scientific attitude.
[1]
Recorded Sayings, juan 94. (Fung, op. cit. p. 297.) [2]
The similarity to Aristotle’s view of the psyche as the second
entelechy of body is remarkable – but beyond our scope. [3]
Commentary on the ‘Great Learning’, ch. 5. (Fung, op.
cit. p. 306.) |
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Xinxue: The Study of Mind |
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Zhu
Xi’s vision of daoxue and daotong
largely set the orthodox form for the Confucianism that followed,
but there were always those who found the orthodoxy unsatisfactory. They
continued the critique begun by Cheng Hao to create a powerful second
school of thought in Neoconfucianism, a school that can be seen as
reflecting the appeal of the Idealist ideas that had come into Lu
Jiuyuan’s Critique Lu Jiuyuan (陸九淵, Lù Jiǔyuān, aka: 陆象山, Lù Xiàngshān, 1139-1192) disagreed with Zhu Xi that empirical
research should be at the same level as inner discovery. He thought that
inner knowledge was a necessary guide to learning about the outer world.
The inner world presented the principle more clearly and with less chance
of misdirection than the outer world. Bomin asked: How is one to investigate things? The
Teacher (Lu Jiuyuan) said:
Investigate the principle of things. Bomin
said: The ten thousand things under Heaven are extremely multitudinous;
how, then, can we investigate all of them exhaustively? The
teacher replied: The ten thousand things are already complete in us. It is
only necessary to apprehend their principle[1] And he drew a drastic
conclusion from such considerations: that ‘the universe is my mind, and
my mind is the universe.’ Given this, of course, it is natural to say
that anyone else’s mind is also the universe, and so: ‘My mind,
my friend’s mind, the minds of the sages generations ago, and the minds
of the sages in generations to come are all one.’
Wang
Yangming’s Critique Wang Yangming (王阳明, aka: Wang Shouren, 守仁, 1472-1529)
agreed with Lu’s initial critique. In part this was because he had
practised Zhu Xi’s recommended gewu
and had seen that it could not succeed. He and a few of his friends
once tried for seven days to ‘contemplate’ their way to the principle
of bamboo, but eventually had to admit failure. He concluded that looking
to the outside world for the principle that was most obviously accessible
in oneself was a mistake. One needed, rather, to look within
for principle. “My own nature is, of
course, sufficient for me to attain sagehood. And I have been mistaken in
searching for the li [principle] in external things and affairs.”
In particular enlightenment could be found through the study of xin
– hence the name of the school Wang justified the
emphasis on the study of xin on
more than just epistemological grounds however. He also made a
metaphysical point by taking seriously Zhu Xi’s analogy of xin
and taiji mentioned above. The
most obvious way in which this analogy could be ‘cashed out’ would be
to say that the mind-heart was not a thing composed of qi
instantiating the operation of consciousness as Zhu Xi had understood it
to be, but was exactly the li
that was the norm for persons. It is like
the superior principle because it is
that principle. This is the claim that Wang makes in his famous phrase
‘xin ji li,’ meaning ‘the mind is the principle.’ Naturally, if
this is the case, then the study of mind is
the study of principle (and possibly vice
versa.) a.
The Normative and the Actual Mind There are, however,
problems that arise from taking this proposition seriously: chief amongst
them being one due to the philosopher Luo Qinshun. Luo said that, if
‘the mind is the principle,’ and the mind is thus identified with the
norm for a person, then it would seem that the mind as it is, as it
actually exists and in the things that it actually does, is
the ideal that ought to be sought. If that were the case then (apart from
being an implausibly flattering picture of the mind) it would obviously be
rather destructive of the possibility of justified moral criticisms of
persons – and there could be no possibility
of self-improvement or enlightenment. This is not the case, however,
because the xin, as principle, has various possible states of realisation in the
world, and Wang was thereby able to make an important distinction between
two states – or rather between one state and the class of all other
states. One state of xin he
identified as the ‘Mind-in-Itself’ (心之本体, xin zhi benti) which
may be thought of as the Original Mind – or the state of mind that would
have been realised from the beginning if there were not obstructions to
its perfect realisation. The other states of xin
he called by the name ‘Human-Mind’ (renxin:) they are the Actual Mind – the states by which original xin
is realised in the world, and they are all corrupted by particular desires
to various degrees. We can thus think of Mind-in-Itself or Original Mind
as the normative state of the mind-heart-principle and Human-Mind or
Actual Mind as its actual state; and self-improvement in terms of moving
from one’s current Human-Mind towards Mind-in-Itself is a possible,
reasonable, and justifiable goal for the sage. In fact that is exactly
what Wang proposed. b.
Innate Knowing Note however, that
Original Mind is the same kind of thing as Actual Mind, and one can
realise the principle involved just by purifying the actual states of the
Human-Mind of their selfish desires. But that purification doesn’t add anything to either the Original Mind or the Human-Mind –
everything true and good in any Human-Mind was always there in the
Mind-in-Itself; so that we would naturally claim that anything in the
world that can be known is known in a certain sense – and it is known by all of us. This
claim for knowledge is explicitly made by Wang in the case of the
knowledge involved in distinguishing the corruptions of the mind from the
original mind. This knowledge he called ‘Innate Knowing’ (良知, liangzhi,)
and it is a kind of knowing that requires no learning (but only
‘unlearning’ the corruptions by throwing off the selfish desires that
create them,) and therefore offers the opportunity of enlightenment to
those who are not suited to deep intellectual thought. It is a doctrine to
justify Wang’s claim that “All the people filling the street are
sages.” c.
The Mind and the World A further consequence
that Wang drew from his focus on the mind was that the world iself should
not be seen as separate from the mind. The way that we should look at the
world is as “that to which the operation of the mind is directed.” The
reasoning was apparently similar to that of Bishop Berkeley: that our
knowledge of the world is only an activity in our mind resulting from
activity in our perceptions (also a part of the mind) and therefore it is
most plausibly supposed that the world itself is entirely in our mind. Why
propose something other than the mind as the integrating cause of our
worldly experiences if it’s not necessary? But if that is the case, then
this is just another reason that direct investigation of the
‘external’ world as a way to get at the principle of our mind is
misdirected: the external world is just the object of our attention, and
not a thing that can be known independently of knowing the mind. d.
Acting and Knowing In contrast with the
standard view that one gains knowledge and is then prepared for action,
Wang Yangming promoted the doctrine of the ‘Unity of Knowledge and
Action’ (知行合一, zhixing
heyi). According to him “Knowledge is the direction for action and
action is the effort for knowledge” and “Knowledge is the beginning of
action and action is the completion of knowledge.” This would seem to be
yet another consequence of his metaphysical view. Since Original Mind is
the realisation of the principle of humanity, and the principle of
humanity is the norm for a person, describing how a person ought to be and
act, it would seem to follow that Original Mind is the realisation of
moral action. So, in so far as a person’s Actual Mind approaches to the
Original Mind, moral knowledge and moral action are equally realised. To
understand a thing is at the same time to act properly concerning it. Of
course it is possible for one to know that something is the right thing to
do and yet to fail to do it, but in cases such as this Wang would have
said that action and knowledge
were both obscured by selfish desires causing Actual Mind to be different
from Original Mind. Thus he said: “There have never been people who know
but do not act. Those who are supposed to know but do not act simply do
not yet know.”[2] One doesn’t search in
the mind for the principle, in the way that Zhu would search in the mind
or the world for principle. Since mind is
principle, the act of coming to know one’s mind is the act of coming to
know the principle and requires a very different praxis. Wang did, in
fact, develop a distinct methodology for research into truths about the xin
and used that to explain how a sage should act in the world.
[1]
Huang-Siu-chi. (1977) Lu Hsiang-shan: A Twelfth Century Chinese
Idealist Philosophy. [2]
And
the similarity of this claim to Socrates’s claim is also remarkable.
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Conclusion |
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Neoconfucianism, in
these ways, managed to enlarge the concerns of the old Confucian school
sufficiently to re-establish the native tradition (siwen, ‘this culture of ours’) as the dominant philosophical position
amongst the elites. The first consequence of this was to defend the
socially concerned ethics of the Confucians from the individualistic or
even nihilistic tendencies of the Buddhist and Taoist doctrines. The
ethical concerns of the original teacher were now integrated with a more
sophisticated metaphysical and cosmological doctrine in such a way that
they could be defended by arguments pitched at the same level of
sophistication as those used by their opponents.
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